Crimean texts
THROUGHOUT June the evacuation progressed rapidly. On the 10th of the month Codrington reports that the 88th Regiment and the Second Battalion of The Rifles have sailed, the Light Division has begun its embarkation, and the 7th and half of the 19th, 23rd, and 33rd Regiments have been told off for particular ships. ‘We do not delay an hour in sending men away.’ Meantime the Balaclava railway was being taken up, and the remainder of the Army Works Corps shipped off. By June 17th, but nine British regiments remained to be sent home, and the camps had begun to present a strange contrast to their former busy appearance. On the 20th, Kertch was handed over to the Russians. At home, Militia regiments were fast being disembodied.
Fortunately no fresh cases of cholera had occurred among the troops, whose excellent appearance, as successive instalments of them kept landing, drew a compliment from the War Minister.
Among questions arising out of the conclusion of the war, were that of the reduction of the Army, of which Lord Panmure submits a rough scene; that as to the provision to be made for Crimean Brigadiers; and another as to the allowance (if any) to be paid to privates of Militia on disembodiment. It was decided that the Brigadiers should be placed in command of brigades, with the pay and allowances of Major-Generals, and the prospect of promotion to that rank; and that the Militiamen should receive fourteen days’ pay. It was also determined that the Guards should make a triumphal entry into London.
The recruiting of members of our disbanded Foreign Legion for the Dutch Indian Service was approved.
Codrington received promotion to the rank of Lieutenant-General.
In a spirited letter to Lord Panmure he describes an Investiture of the Bath, for the purpose of holding which Lord Gough had been sent to the Crimea. In another he returns to his old complaints against the Army Works Corps, and the want of driving-power afforded by the regulations under which its members served.
The strained relations with the United States which had arisen out of the manner in which the Foreign Enlistment Act had been put in force had by this time reached an acute stage, the British representative at Washington having received his passport.
But, whilst observing his usual caution in respect to readiness for defence, Lord Panmure correctly gauged the significance of this demonstration and the chances of further complications arising from it.
June 3, 1856.
No additional cases of cholera.
I am glad to say to you to-day by telegraph that there are as yet no additional cases of cholera — nor, indeed, of any other illness: I am quite sure that ships will now come out as quickly as you can send them, and therefore I will say no more of what might have been. . . .
In a letter dated June 4th, Lord Clarendon announces to Lord Panmure that the British Minister in the United States has received his passport.
Private and Confidential.
THE HAGUE, June 2, 1856.
As to enlistment of members of our Foreign Legion in Dutch Indian Service.
When speaking this morning to Baron von Hall 2 on the subject of the Foreign Legion, I found that he had been nibbling to get recruits from it, when disbanded, for the Dutch Service in India, and that it suited his book very well that the disbanded men should pass through Holland, where he hoped to pick up the men he wanted. Finding this to be the case, I suggested that Bentinck 3 might possibly be instructed to concert with you and Lord Panmure as to the practicability of entering into some concerted arrangement by which an opportunity should be afforded of allowing such men as were disposed to volunteer for the Dutch Service, and to accept the Dutch offers, the extent of which I do not yet know, before they were finally cast loose from our Service.
I do not know whether such an arrangement would meet the approval of Lord Panmure, but perhaps you may think it worth while to let him know what has passed here upon the subject, in order that he may consider what answer should be given in case Bentinck should make any proposal. . . .
June 7, 1856.
There has been no additional case of cholera, nor anything of consequence in fever. I hope, therefore, the two which I reported were only casual. I have telegraphed to you on this subject in order to quiet any apprehension you may have had — not that I can consider the army safe from any such visitation in this climate; and the sooner we get the big ships the better. Sir H. Stewart is all good-will and activity, and I say the same with great pleasure of Admiral Fremantle, who has long had plenty of onerous detail on his hands.
An Investiture of the Bath.
Lord Gough arrived on the 4th. I met him in Sebastopol harbour, into which he went in a steamer from Karsatch. The Investiture took place yesterday on the garden side of this house. I thought it better to confine it to our own arrangements and troops entirely. At 11 A.M. the whole of remaining troops assembled — say 16,000 men: the ground has a short slope down from the house of about 80 yards, and a similar slope up opposite to it, with a French road running about parallel to slight valley thus formed. Beyond the road the ground still rises, and on this was placed the artillery, some siege trains, some guns. I went with an escort to the French Headquarters, and came back with all the troop of French officers, escorting them as it were to our lines. Entering the path which approaches from the French road, and which runs up across the little valley to this house, Marshal Pélissier and all of us got off our horses and sent them out of the way.
The ceremony
The regiments were formed in quarter distance columns, the majority of them opposite the house in a line of columns, the remainder echeloned about, as the confined nature of the ground and the huts of Headquarters permitted: all the bands were joined in front of the centre of the troops — about 400 of them.
On Pélissier getting off his horse, we gave him a salute with ‘Partant pour La Syrie,’ the Artillery salute having preceded his arrival. We all went up to the sort of throne, of the canopy over which we will not lay bare the secrets of rough scantling — it was all well swallowed up in externals, — viz., naval flags and ensigns (the great stand-by on such occasions), an union jack at the top, the French and English flags on what you in England would irreverently call scaffold poles. There is a sort of verandah at the front of this house, which we cut about, and made steps down from the house to the ‘throne’; some hospital rugs made the carpeting; the chair of state was made up of some very funny-looking deal boards whilst it was naked, but which some odds and ends of cushions, and signal flags over all, made into a wonderful representative of a royal chair. The front of the house, the windows, the sort of balcony, were all occupied by officers, travellers, etc., etc. — the day beautiful, breezy but sun bright.
Investiture of French and British officers.
We had no velvet cushion, but we had a scarlet cloth, one whose everyday occupation is more undignified than carrying the insignia of the Bath. All was done in fair propriety, I think; Lord Gough read the English address. I read the French translation to the French officers, the knighting took place by Captain Baillie’s sword, each officer in succession.
Marshal Pélissier made a very good short speech in return to Lord Gough’s. The French, I am glad to see, had their real stars given to them; it looked a little awkward to see our own officers getting the spangled affair at the same time put into their hands 4; but ‘vive la politesse’ to the ‘étrangers.’ We made the best of it, though I must say it looked a little economy for a great nation at the time. The ‘God save the Queen,’ with all the bands, was very fine: of course we all saluted by our hats off. We rode down the troops, though it was by much passing in and out; and, returning to the slope opposite them, Lord Gough received the salute from myself and the army, saying subsequently some complimentary things, the greatest part of which are placed in a General Order to-day. We gave the Veteran three cheers, which were well and heartily given.
The subsequent luncheon.
One of the principal parts of the performance then took place after sending the troops home, — viz., eating and drinking: of course the house stretched, the table stretched, the hunger and thirst stretched; but what with champagne cup, and salad of all sorts of things, we were all in good humour, some short speeches and healths took place, we made room for a second edition of guests at the table, and everything went off very well and heartily with the smoke of cigars. I rode back with Pélissier and the French officers; I think they were much gratified with their forenoon.
I am getting a little abuse, I hear, about the ‘charger’ order: pray send us out magnificent Simlas and Himalayas for 14-hands ponies if England wishes. I am sure I don’t care; but I think you had better leave me, and those who act with me, to use our discretion (or our indiscretion, if England thinks it so); you had much better pay something in the way of compensation after some ‘violent representations’ hereafter in England; throw a little blame on me, but let us use the transport we have for the purpose of taking men out of the Crimea, and real good horses if necessary.
June 9, 1856.
I have only got one hand but it is the right one, and I am able to run you off a few lines though with very little to say. I am glad to see that you are melting away at last, and though we have lost an opportunity of grand display, still we shall get our troops home in reasonable time, and many of them before Parliament rises.
Bluster on the part of the U.S.
I am not afraid that we shall have occasion for their services in America, as I consider all the bluster on the part of the U.S. Government as merely intended to make political capital and then end. I am glad to be able to congratulate you on your permanent rank of Lieut.-General. We have not yet seen Sir Colin in this country, and though I hear that Sir Wm. Eyre has arrived, 1 have not yet had a call from him. He goes to Canada as soon as his affairs here are settled. The Militia is disappearing and room is making for you in our various camps.
June 10, 1856.
Embarkation begun.
The army is all well and nothing of disease has crept in to follow the individual cases which were telegraphed, and I telegraph again to-day that we are all well. The Light Division has begun its embarkation; the 2nd Battalion Rifles and the 88th having sailed; and the 7th, half of the 19th, and 23rd and 33rd being told off for particular ships. The weather is beautiful — though hot, it is healthy and not really oppressive yet, and we do not delay an hour in sending men away. If we had waited for the Turks to take away the rail, we should have delayed long indeed: we begin the last part of it to-day or to-morrow, by means of the remainder of the Army Works Corps. Since my last letter to you, I have received your official letter enclosing Mr. Doyne’s to Sir Joseph Paxton. I will answer it officially, though the Engineer Records and many others are gone home, which might have confirmed my knowledge, and that of other officers who were at Headquarters before me, as to many circumstances of this Corps.
Misconduct of the Army Works Corps.
I look upon it as a gross imposture of an establishment, comparing the real work done with the enormous cost and the pretence that it saved the Army. I have an official letter and other eye-witness knowledge that there was scarcely ever seen a greater instance of general drunkenness and misconduct than the embarkation of that part of the Corps, which caused the General Order. Are these things to pass without notice, without that public notice which would have been visited upon any regiment? The facts are even admitted in the very letter of the superintendent. It was not necessary for the well-being of the army, for its discipline or its safety, that I should take upon myself to do any number of positively illegal acts towards the Army Works Corps; and, if I am to judge by the result of even a General Order consequent upon open and proved misconduct, I think I am very lucky in having avoided many more serious reproaches and much more serious consequences. For I certainly could not have shown the necessity of my trying deserters or others by Courts Martial. It might have been very convenient for Mr. Doyne or Sir J. Paxton for me to take the illegality upon myself in order to remedy such gross defect in organisation. I did what was necessary for the Army — viz., punished summarily those who brought themselves under the fair terms of the Provost Marshal’s authority; but it was not necessary for the army that I should look for, and arrest and try, the said offenders, who were, for instance, deserters on board of ship at Kamiesh, and in many other things that did not influence the discipline of the Army. However, I need not trouble you with further detail in a private letter.
Error of want of power of punishment.
I do not think the same error of want of power of punishment will happen again: it is better to enlist people for two or three years than have such clashing of system and authority. The Army may be very great ‘bunglers,’ I dare say; but I think some of the Engineers could have laid out a road from Balaclava notwithstanding, had they been left to their own resources, on an average of 4000 men a-day for three months. . . .
The Light Division will soon be under way — it has borne its full share in all the events of the campaign and the siege, and I hope you will do it honour if you can.
We shall scarcely be able to sell a hut. Some have been sent to Malta; the Russian Government take none, but no doubt will seize every one of them on our quitting. And were it not for the undignified dog-in-the-manger proceeding, what a magnificent bonfire the whole camp would make!
The investiture of the Bath.
I think it would be a compliment to Pélissier if the C.B. were given to his brother, who deserves it.
WINDSOR CASTLE, June 12, 1856.
The Queen and Prince had intended to take their visitors down to the Camp on Monday next — the only day which we shall have for a fortnight, free from other engagements, and hears to her utter astonishment that all the troops (except a very few) are gone, not only the Militia, but the 3rd Battalion of the Rifles!! and this without the Queen’s hearing one word of it! The Queen is the more astonished and annoyed, as Lord Panmure had promised that the Militia Regiments should not be disembodied until there were other troops to replace them, which will not be the case for some little time. What is the cause of this sudden determination?
The Queen is much vexed, as her Visitors will not stay long, and are very anxious to visit the Camp, and it is of much importance that Foreign Princes should see what we have, and in what state of efficiency our troops are.
June 13, 1856.
I have received two bags from you since I last wrote you. I am perfectly satisfied with your disposal of all the extraneous material of the Army, and between you and General Storks I expect to get a good deal off hand and make reasonable bargains.
Prospect of early conveyance of troops.
I am glad to hear that Houston Stewart has got his telegraphic message as to the use of his fleet, and the announcement of the one on its way from England. Whatever happens, the prospect of immediate, or, rather, early conveyance will keep up the men’s spirits and make your own mind easy.
Your telegram informs us of the Investiture. Though old Gough may not speak the thing, I am sure he would look like a fine old Warrior, and Pélissier will appreciate the compliment of his being sent.
We are disembodying our Militia fast and making room for our Regiments as they come home, and in a few days they will begin to drop in. Sir Colin Campbell is come. I have not seen him, but I hear he has grievances. Sir G. Brown has come from Nice and for a wonder has NO grievance.
You will see by the papers that Jonathan has sent our Minister his passports, of course amidst a thousand professions of peaceful intentions. Our Consuls have likewise had their ‘exequations’ withdrawn. What our course may be I cannot say, but we have plenty of means at our disposal whatever these fellows may compel us to do.
You will be sorry to hear that Captain Thomson, one of the Kars heroes, died shortly after his arrival in England.
June 14, 1856.
The Queen cannot say how grieved she is to hear of the death of poor Captain Thomson, one of the gallant heroes of Kars. Nothing can be more tragic than to return from suffering, danger, and captivity to your native land, and your home, to die! His poor Mother, who was so proud of him, had frequently sent her son’s letters for the Queen to read.
June 14, 1856.
Lord Gough sailed on the evening of the 12th, having been along the South coast. We rode across the country on the 11th, breakfasting on the Belbec, to the field of Alma, in the whole of which he took the greatest interest: we came back in a gun-boat sent up to the mouth of the river for us by the Admiral.
Progress of embarkation.
We are losing no time in embarkations; the Light Division and Highland Division have their ships here and are named, the 72nd going to Balaclava: this will leave twelve regiments of infantry, the 11th Hussars, the siege-train companies, about 500 men. Horses and mules not taken with the batteries (which are all gone or settled for ships) are transferred to Colonel M’Murdo. I shall send some by a steamer to Constantinople as soon as I get a middle class one, and keep her going for this purpose, besides sending to Trebizond and Samsoun.
I think Kertch will be clear of all but the 71st on the 18th inst. I shall go there on the 17th, after the mail home, and either a ship of war or a contract steamer will then, or a day or two afterwards, take the 71st to Malta.
I have to thank you for your telegraph notifying for me the rank of Lieut.-General. I am only anxious that others who have done the service with me here should not find me put above them; and, although I feel superior — command necessarily carries its weight, yet I should have anxiously wished it to have been the result of work in open campaign rather than of command in this plateau, although it has brought with it responsibility and work.
June 15, 1856.
Gradual reduction of the army contemplated.
I would have sent you an answer sooner, but had not the necessary papers at hand. It is not intended to interfere with the number of men voted by the House of Commons and sanctioned by the Mutiny Act, so that the power of the Crown to keep up the full number remains intact till 31st March ’57. The Cabinet, however, contemplate a gradual reduction of the Army. If you will refer to page 11 of the Estimates originally prepared and laid before Parliament, you can follow the arrangements which I understand to be in contemplation, but which must be arrived at by degrees. In fact the actual Peace Establishment will not be fixed in all its details until we prepare our Estimates for next year, and there are many circumstances which render rapid reductions undesirable and inconvenient. They are undesirable, because I do not think our political horizon is sufficiently clear to warrant our hurrying to a reduced Establishment in any arm of our Military Service. They are, or may be, inconvenient because we cannot tell how the ten years’ Enlistment Act may operate, or how many men may slip away from the ranks next year, when it comes into operation as affecting discharges.
We settled at our last meeting, before I was ill, that our Infantry should eventually come to 105 Battalions of 1000 rank and file, organised into 12 Companies each. We are yet undecided whether our Cavalry shall consist of 8 Troops per Regiment, as proposed by Lord Hardinge, or of 6 Troops.
Proposal to remove cavalry from India.
If, as is proposed by Lord Dalhousie’s minute of 1854, and now seriously urged by the East India Company, our Cavalry is to be permanently removed from India, the whole of that arm of the Service will be confined to England, and I anticipate great difficulty in persuading the House of Commons to maintain it in proper efficiency. I think we can manage to get more dismounted men attached to each Regiment, but I am of opinion that we must curtail the officers and horses to the narrowest limit that we can.
Eventually, as far as I can see, the reductions for the present year will be to the following standards; but we have got sufficient means to accomplish them gradually.
Proposed reduction.
All Ranks 1. Life Guards as they are 1,311 2. Royal Horse Artillery as they are 1,678 3. Cavalry of Line, exclusive of two Regiments in India — a high calculation 11,700 4. Riding-Horse Troop 35 14,724 Present strength voted 18,554 Reduction 3,830 5. British Foreign Cavalry 1,518 5,348 INFANTRY 1. Royal Artillery 18,000 2. Royal Engineers and Sappers 4,000 3. Foot Guards, eventually 6,000 4. Infantry of Line, exclusive of 22 Regiments in India — a moderate calculation 93,000 5. Medical Staff Corps 500 6. Commissariat 120 7. Medical Staff 300 8. British Foreign Corps by autumn — 9. West India Regiments as they were 3,414 10. Colonial Corps as they were 5,154 11. Land Transport Corps, to be reduced to a skeleton, and reorganised, say 1,000 Total Infantry in British pay 131,488 Add in Service of E. I. Co. 24,784 156,272 Cavalry 14,724 And in India 1,579 16,303 Total Queen’s Army 172,575 Deduct India— Infantry 24,784 Cavalry 1,579 26,263 In pay 146,312 Voted for War 246,716 Reduction proposed 100,404 This is a rough calculation, but it will show the Queen the main features of the proposed reductions, and we shall have money enough voted to accomplish these gradually, and without more disturbance than the transition from a state of War to one of Peace must entail.
I cannot say that the numbers which I have mentioned will form the permanent Peace Establishment to be proposed to Parliament next year, should things be settled; but our object is to maintain the whole army in such numbers as shall sustain a well organised force, capable of immediate development into an efficient army, without having recourse to the wretched expedient of breaking up one Regiment to set up another. We go, too, on the principle of maintaining a complete Artillery and much improved Engineer Force. The former I hope not to see below 140 or at least 130 well-equipped Field Guns, and the latter to embrace a large body of men who shall do the part of an Army Works Corps under proper discipline and complete Military control.
I fear this paper has been written hurriedly for your information, but the calculations roundly taken are sufficiently correct for use.
The money struck off from the whole vote is in round numbers 14,000,000.
WAR DEPARTMENT, June 16, 1856.
I hear that you are more speedily evacuating, and I have become more easy as to the troops getting away before disease sets in. You have had a most able coadjutor in Sir Houston Stewart.
I do not think we shall want our Army to punish Jonathan, as we have decided not to send away Mr. Dallas, nor to get out of temper. . . .
The Londoners are crying out for a triumphal entrée for the Guards. . . . I foresee our Crimean heroes will be kept in a very respectable state of drunkenness and show in many defaulters’ books on their return, but it cannot be helped, and we must make the best of it. They have done their work well and deserve some licence.
Proposals for dealing with Crimean brigadiers.
I don’t know whether Lord Hardinge has mentioned to you the manner in which it is proposed to deal with your Brigadiers. It would be difficult even under the Warrant of 1854 to promote them to be Major-Generals, as it would so overwhelm the list that it would stop the regular promotion of the Army for many years. It is intended to give them commands of Brigades in different parts with Major-General’s pay and allowances, and, after a certain number of years’ service, then give them rank as Major-Generals. This will ease down the list and admit of the promotion meanwhile of many officers whose misfortune it was, and not their fault, to have missed service in the field.
I mention this to you in confidence, because I am sure you will like to know that those whom you have had in command of Brigades are not to return to Regimental duty.
June 17, 1856.
Lord Panmure presents his humble duty to Your Majesty, and has the honour to acquaint Your Majesty that notice is to be given in the House of Commons of a question as to the reception of Your Majesty’s Guards on their return from the Crimea. The object of this movement is to give the Guards a triumphal entry into London, similar to that given to the Imperial Guard into Paris.
Any such arrangement should be the result of Your Majesty’s pleasure, and ought not to be decided by the House of Commons.
As far as Lord Panmure can learn, it is desired that the whole Brigade should enter London simultaneously and not by regiments at different periods.
Considerations in view of same.
Your Majesty will learn from Lord Hardinge better than from Lord Panmure the feasibility of such an entry in a military point of view, and all the previous arrangements and precautions which it will require; but Lord Panmure feels it to be his duty to point out to Your Majesty other considerations which strike him. The probable strength of the Brigade will be not under 2000 of all ranks. Suppose this body to move from Aldershot, where they have been previously collected as they arrive in succession from the East, Lord Panmure is not aware of any place in the vicinity of either the Vauxhall or the Waterloo Station of the London and South-Western Railway where so large a number of troops could be assembled, as the trains from Aldershot delivered them in London. But suppose this difficulty overcome, and public notice having been duly given of the entry of the Guards at a particular hour, all London would be wild with enthusiasm, and no precautions which even the numerous and experienced police could take would prevent such a pressure that, not only would accidents occur which all would regret, but in spite of all that their officers could do, and the anxiety of the troops themselves to preserve their formations, Lord Panmure fears that these would inevitably be lost, and the whole order and decorum of the scene destroyed. The injury to property would, on the line of march and without the smallest evil intention on the part of the people, be inevitable, and therefore the question is one which requires the gravest consideration.
Lord Panmure feels assured that Your Majesty will give him credit for a sincere anxiety, not only to do all honour to the gallant Guards, but to every arm of Your Majesty’s forces which have so nobly vindicated the honour of their Queen and country in the theatre of war, and that while he submits the matter for Your Majesty’s consideration, his duty impels him to point out what appear to him to be the obstacles in the way of accomplishing that which would otherwise be gratifying to Your Majesty and to the country generally.
Lord Panmure cannot, he fears, prevent the subject being agitated in the House of Commons, but he has succeeded in getting the question delayed till Monday, when Your Majesty’s pleasure can be stated in reply.
It may perhaps be convenient for Your Majesty to confer with Lords Hardinge and Panmure before her pleasure is finally notified.
June 17, 1856.
I am sorry to see the return of your gout. I have no idea what is meant about the army being discontented with some speech of yours; but you must not believe all that is put in newspapers from the collection of stray remarks in camp. ‘Faire son devoir advienne [ce] que pourra’ is one of the old mottoes which may make us disregard nonsense, though that nonsense is printed so many thousand times in a paper.
Cost of Army Works Corps to the country, and work accomplished by it.
I send you the official answer about the Army Works Corps. I am afraid I do not mean to be driven out of my opinion: if you inquire of most of those who have seen their usual sort of working, you will find there are grounds for it; but no doubt there is plenty written down in books, of men employed here and there and everywhere, with timekeepers named, with foremen, etc. etc. Let me see the works DONE, exclusive of their own huts, streets, wash-houses, etc., and then let me see the cost of the Corps to the country, from its starting to its return home — I cannot say I have the impression it would show worth while.
The camps are deserted, absurd-looking places now: to ride through them is half ludicrous, half melancholy — the ridiculous appearance of places that have long been of such vital interest. There are now nine regiments remaining — principally at Balaclava.
WAR DEPARTMENT, June 23, 1856.
Troops in the Crimea melting away.
I have just received yours of the 10th, and am glad to find you are melting away so fast. I imagine that by the end of the month you will scarcely have anything in the Crimea at all. If the Russians do not buy our huts, or have the decency to ask for them civilly, I really see no reason why a farewell bonfire might not be made of them. At all events I would use them up for every possible purpose. I presume you will not leave the iron stores.
I have sent your information in regard to the anxiety of the Russians to repossess Kertch to Lord Clarendon.
The cloud in the West has emitted no flash, and I foresee no employment for troops or ships in that quarter. It is satisfactory not to find the kindred races in contention. . . .
It has been determined to give the Guards a triumphal entry into London, and it will be a grand affair.
I wish you could ship us over some of your fine weather, for our summer has hitherto been dull, cold, and wet.
I am glad to hear that your installation went off so well. I was sure Gough would look the part well, though he was deficient in his French. I have sent your proposal to make Colonel Pélissier a C.B. to Lord Clarendon, and, if his own Government do not object, I see no reason why your recommendation should not be laid before the Queen.
I suspect that this letter may find you on the move yourself.
ST. JAMES’S PALACE, June 23, 1856.
Returning thanks for his appointment as Inspector-General of Infantry.
This moment, on my return from the House of Lords, I find your letter giving to me the very delightful announcement that the Queen has been graciously pleased on your recommendation to sanction the appointment of myself as Inspector-General of Infantry. I cannot sufficiently express to you my gratification at this. You know that I have long felt the greatest anxiety for employment, and the momentary severance from the active duties of the Army was painful to me in the extreme. I owe it to your kindness that I am again to find myself actively employed, and the gracious manner in which you say that Her Majesty has at once acceded to your recommendation cannot be otherwise than most gratifying to me. I trust that the exertions I shall make to become useful in the new post for which I have been selected will be such as fully to justify your recommendation, and hoping that I shall have plenty to do, and that I shall have opportunities of furthering any plans you may suggest for the new organisation of the Army. I am, etc.
June 24, 1856.
Against admitting right of discussion as to spoils of Sebastopol.
I hope you will not admit of a doubt about our right to take anything in war, or armistice, or peace from Sebastopol; you will open a wide field for cavil and discussion if you do. I have not admitted on any occasion, either with the French or with Russians, that there need be any question. And yet the telegraph from Sir C. Wood to Admiral Stewart seems to throw doubt on the propriety of men-of-war assisting in the removal: anchors, shot, guns, everything, may come under the same doubt.
I wrote down what I should myself have answered, and took it to Pélissier, with whom I had some conversation, in which I said that we ought not to admit the right of questioning the operations of any sort within our own lines. Though I do not think our joint letter is well worded, it has the main points in it, and does not enter into detail, for which we certainly are not accountable to any Russian authority. I think something has passed at Paris about it, which may have embarrassed the French, for Lüders says the French Government agree in his view — but they have got half the guns, which is an awkward commentary on the principle of thinking it wrong.
Kertch restored to the Russians.
Kertch is given over to the Russians. It took place I believe on the 20th, but Colonel Reade and the 71st went direct to Malta. I had nice trip along the coast: we went to Anapa, found that all remaining houses were in flames by a wild lot of fellows, the remains of the occupants of the place since the Russians quitted. They had heard of the Russians coming and were off, doing all the destruction they could.
Four regiments only will remain in a day or two: the 50th, 72nd, 82nd, and 56th.
June 25, 1856.
Military disorders at Aldershot.
I return you the accounts from Aldershot, which have given both the Queen and myself much pain. I am particularly shocked at the behaviour of my Rifle men. It is to be hoped, however, that the officers will succeed in preventing any continuance of the quarrel.
The account of the wrought-iron gun of Messrs. Horsfall is most interesting. I should much like to see it fired with you at Shoeburyness.
June 27, 1856.
Building of Barracks in London.
The Queen acknowledges Lord Panmure’s letter of yesterday evening. The reports which he sends her of the proceedings with respect to the building of the Barracks are so far very satisfactory, but the plans of those to be built at Kensington this year have not even been laid before her, and are most necessary, for the Guards have actually to be sent out of London on the return of the others from the East, as there is no room for them. The money has been voted, and therefore there ought to be no further delay.
It will give the Queen great pleasure to give one of the Bells to Lord Panmure and one to Lord Hardinge.
It is very strange that no telegraph has been received respecting the arrival of the Guards!
The Queen has heard nothing further from Lord Panmure about the Chelsea Barracks, and sees nobody at work upon the new wing of the Wellington Barracks.
June 28, 1856.
Cessation of ‘field allowance.’
I understand that the ordinary field allowance is given at Aldershot, as I think it was given at Chobham. I put in orders, according to your telegraph, that all field allowance ceases on the 30th June here. Thus it seems that the ‘inconvenience and expense’ of camping in the United Kingdom is greater than in the Crimea — a point that we may perhaps be allowed to doubt.
I shall wish to go home with my brother in the Algiers; but I must say I should not have been sorry to have a vessel like the Banshee, a quick-going one, somewhat at my disposal, to visit the Swiss Legion, or any hospital establishment at Smyrna, as well as Sinope, where we have the remains of Land Transport, and Trebizond, Samsoun, etc., to see how things are getting on for final wind up. I could then have got to Malta, so as not to delay the Algiers, and done some service perhaps in meantime.
I am going to Odessa, probably on the 28th. This is not so much a matter of duty as of pleasure, although there may be some matters of final detail to arrange.
I may probably have to leave some commissariat officer behind us, for we have 2000 head of cattle and 8000 sheep remaining.
June 28, 1856.
On the selection from the General Orders of the Crimean Army.
The selection from the General Orders of this Army has been published; but, as a book of official reference, it has been comparatively useless from its not containing the whole. There will be several complete copies of the sheets issued to the Army — both in the Adjutant’s and Quarter-General’s offices — and but little compilation even would be required. But it might be a great advantage to add copies of the gazetted Despatches, 5 either according to their dates, or collected for reference at the end of the volume. One book of the size of the War Office Regulations would contain the whole, and be an authentic record for reference.
PY., June 30, 1856.
As to a parliamentary candidate for Calne.
Lansdowne said to me on Saturday that, on Shelbourne being called up to the House of Peers to be under-Sec. to Clarendon, he should like to propose Sir W. Williams to succeed Shelbourne at Calne — where the Lansdowne interest rests upon personal influence and not upon property, and where it is necessary, therefore, that the person to be proposed should be either a member of the Borwood Family, or a man in some way or other distinguished. I advised Lansdowne to consult you on the subject, as it seemed to me on the first mention of the matter that the duties to be performed by Williams at Woolwich would require an amount of residence and of personal superintendence that would be incompatible with attendance in the House of Commons, and it would be undesirable to spoil a good Commandant of Woolwich by making an uncertain Member of Parliament — I mean uncertain as to his ability to be a regular attendant.
Admirals Commanding at the Out-Posts are required to go out of Parliament if they happen to be in it before appointment, and there might be danger of having the Woolwich appointment damaged in House of Commons’ discussions if the person who held it was not able to give his whole time to it, but you can best judge of all this. 6
June 30, 1856.
I have great doubts whether this will find you in the Crimea, and I think if it does I may congratulate you on being on the eve of bidding it farewell.
We are now daily hailing the return of our troops, and their appearance speaks volumes for the care you have taken of them.
I have no news of any kind.